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Examining the International Union of Forest Research Organizations (IUFRO) and its research on forest-water relations, the article investigates the relation between scientific internationalism and national expertise. It juxtaposes existing arguments regarding the paradigmatic character of 19th century arguments about deforestations. In particular, in 1999, Christian Pfister and Daniel Brändli argued that, in Switzerland during the second half of the 19th century, forestry administrators forged an argument that deforestations in mountainous regions lead to floods in the valleys. As this argument helped to install new Swiss forest legislation in 1876, forbidding deforestations in the mountains, Pfister and Brändli called it a ―deforestation paradigm‖. In contrast, sources of the IUFRO provide a different picture. At IUFRO meetings, i.e., at the international level of debate, no such paradigm existed. Instead, IUFRO participants discussed various conclusions that could be drawn from research on deforestations. Regarding the outcome of IUFRO projects, participants reported partly in opposing ways about the results of the research projects in forestry journals in their respective countries. Exploring these reports, the article provides an explanation for these different national representations of international research projects.
In this special anniversary edition of EuropeNow, curators Peter Haslinger and Nicole Shea highlight the importance in research and culture of smaller central and eastern European regions. The featured researchers engage the topic of “Minorities, Diversities, and Securities,” providing ample opportunity for reflection upon the theoretical implications from an interdisciplinary point of view. The research presented here assesses the concepts, paradigms, and methods for the re-evaluation of multi-ethnicity, diversity, and mobility in a globalized and “post-factual” era, and seeks to identify factors and agencies that help to explain the current trends towards the obsession with security agendas.
This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak, This article investigates the evolution of Hungary’s memory of 1956, from the counterrevolution to the dissident struggle for rehabilitation in the eighties, its relation to the change of regimes in 1989, and its subsequent appropriation for nationalist purposes in defiance of a European memory regime. Mnemonic warriors like Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and historian Mária Schmidt have championed 1956 as a struggle for freedom and independence and symbols of Hungarian martyrdom and bravery. Only recently a new-found Central European unity in adversity has been observed: the “counterrevolution” against the European Union. Perusing interviews, samizdat articles, public appeals and speeches, and other documentary evidence, including historical analyses, this article identifies mnemonic actors and strategies to assess the intricate relationship between 1956 and 1989. The analysis of museum exhibitions, statues, monuments, and national symbols helps reveal the varying significance ascribed to 1956 before and after 1989. The study relies on the conceptual groundwork of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik. It contributes to arguments put forth by historians James Mark, Anna Seleny, Nora Borodziej, and Árpád von Klimó.
The article focuses on the interaction of knowledge transfer and urbanization in Central Europe, 1880-1914. This happens through analyzing three cases of urban forms of knowledge production and communication: the Industry palace, the scientific theater “Urania,” and the philosophical journal “Logos” in Budapest between 1873 and 1914. The article formulates the hypothesis, that these various “knowledge formats” of scientific activities had been products of the urban development of Budapest. The application of the concept of “knowledge formats” enables to analyze and capture the complex interaction between city, knowledge, and social agents.
Die Einschätzung Leo(n) Thun-Hohensteins durch polnische Historiker und Historikerinnen bietet Aufschluss darüber, welche Faktoren die Geschichtsschreibung über Galizien beeinflussen. Es ist nicht, wie vermutet werden könnte, einzig und allein die Nation, die zueinem bewertenden Kriterium erhoben wird, auch wenn das Szepter der Germanisierung einen tiefen Schatten auf den Neoabsolutismus wirft – vor allem in den populärwissenschaftlichen Publikationen. Es ist demgegenüber eine Verknüpfung mehrerer Ereignisse und Prozesse, die das negative Bild der 1850er-Jahre prägen:
Nicht die Sprachänderung allein war es, an dem die antipolnische Politik der Wiener Regierung sichtbar gemacht wird, sondern vor allem die Verbindung der österreichischen Sprachenpolitik mit dem Autonomieverlust der Universität und der politischen Unterdrückung derselben.